Resiste!

The topic of prison caste system is often raised in the media in recent times, it is often discussed in connection with the political prisoners. However, almost all who write on the subject, know about it at best from the stories of former inmates or use common social stereotypes. As a result, there are often a lot of blunders and false representation.

The aim of this article is to illuminate some aspects of this complex and multifaceted phenomenon the informal hierarchy in Belarus prisons.

Mikalay Dziadok 27 years old, an activist of the anarchist movement. He was born in the town of Bragin, Gomel region. He graduated from the Belarusian State University College of Law, worked as a judicial custodian in the court of Tsentralny district of Minsk and legal adviser in a private company. In 2009 he entered the European Humanities University (Vilnius) specializing in Political Science and European Studies. On September 201, he was detained in Minsk on suspicion of the attack on the embassy of Russia. He was convicted of participation in a protest actions near the General Staff, the House of Trade Unions and the casino “Shangri-La” in the “case of anarchists“, he received 4.5 years prison sentence. Three months before his release he was sentenced to another year of imprisonment under Art. 411 of the Criminal Code (willful disobedience to prison administration). Released on August 22, 2015 by presidential decree “On presidential pardon” (he did not write a petition for clemency, although it was repeatedly offered). Now he is a first year student at the European Humanities University, specializing in world politics and economics.

There are scientific works on this subject. And, of course, I do not aspire to consider the phenomenon in all its diversity in one article. The question will be mainly about one prison caste, the existence of which characterizes the system as a whole, and the knowledge of which is critically important for any falling prisoner in Belarus, especially for a political prisoner. The so-called “petukhi” (“roosters”) ( also “downcast”, “bugger”, “cockscomb”, etc.).

So, from this text, you will learn:

– How did the “downcast” appear in prison;

– How do people become one;

– What are conditions of these people in jail and prison;

– What functions are performed by these people in prison;

– Why is the existence of this caste vital for the administration of penitentiary facilities.

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more info: http://freetheroszke11.weebly.com

The trial of ten people accused for „illegal border crossing and participation in mass riot”

After the end of the trial on „first level court” most of the people were sent to Bicske, that is an open camp near Budapest in Hungary. At the moment seven people are in Western Europe. The other three people are still in Hungary.

Yamen A., whose verdict was three years imprisonment and 10 years expulsion from Hungary is currently in the prison of Szeged. We are trying to get in touch with him, but the procedure is quite complicated.

Farouk A. is in a detention center in Kiskunhalas. After the end of the trial he was sent also to Bicske, but a few days later he was moved to Kiskunhalas. The pretrial detention has to be renewed in every two months, the decision will be reviewed in September by the Immigration office (BÁH).

Kamel J. is in the detention center of Békéscsaba and his application for family reunification is in progress. Apart from Yamen, he is the only person who was not in Bicske after the trial, he was immediately moved into the detention center. After two months he requested his relocation into open camp, but the Immigration Office refused it justifying the decision with his lack of identity documents and prolonged his detention. His lawyer argued that until the decision of the family reunification most probably they will not be able to achieve his relocation. They are waiting to receive the decision in the middle of September.

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(written by Refugeesupportserbia and Bordermonitoring Serbia)

link: http://bordermonitoring.eu/serbien/2016/09/recent-repression-on-people-on-the-move-in-serbia/

Since the 15th of July, the day that prime minister Aleksandar Vučić held a speech [1] about the problems Serbia is facing at the moment, the situation in Serbia for people on the move has become more and more tense. The speech was an awaited response to the legal changes made in Hungary on July 5th (“8 kilometer” push-back law [2]) which set a legal frame for the Hungarian authorities to push back thousands of people to Serbian territory.

Among other points, Vučić mentioned in his speech that migrants are one of the biggest problems Serbia is facing at this time and that more repressive measures will be taken in order to gain control over the irregular movement of people. One of the measures put into practice has been a “joint venture” of police and military in order to guard the southern borders towards Macedonia and Bulgaria. As of August 30, 4,428 people have been kept from entering Serbia by military and police units, while within the same operation 673 who were encountered on Serbian territory have been brought to official reception centers [3]. The military officials don’t use the word “push-back” or mention any direct contact with the groups, rather they state that people “gave up” when they saw the Serbian forces. Thereby, Serbia maintains its humanitarian vocabulary used to distinguish itself from other Balkan countries like Hungary and Macedonia who boast with numbers of people they successfully pushed back. Which methods were used to deter people and why these 4,428 people did not apply for asylum in Serbia but instead went back is not mentioned. Probably the mere sight of a police officer is not enough to stop people from moving on, yet their stories and voices remain silent and invisible.

On the one hand, this increasingly repressive policy changes can be seen as a national answer to the reality that was created by the northern neighbour Hungary and to the fact that from one day to the other people got stuck in Serbia with no option to move on. On the other hand, these changes can also be seen in the frame of a European Border Regime that consists of more than just the legal closure of European borders. This will be elaborated in the following.

MILITARIZATION OF THE BORDERS

Ever since Hungary launched the push-backs, the number of people stuck in Serbia has been increasing on a daily basis. According to the Hungarian police, from July 5th to August 31th there have been 4,937 official incidents of prevented entries at the border and another 3,486 people who made it across the fence and got pushed back to Serbian territory [4 / 5]. Many of them came back to Belgrade and reported horrible experiences of violent encounters with the border police and private border patrols. Reports included tear gas, hand-cuffs, feet-cuffs, dog bites, pepper spray, shootings, and personal indignations (such as having to strip naked before being beaten up).

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Between 1st and 10th of July, international days of solidarity for political prisoners of Putin’s police state took place in 22 cities of 10 different countries. Although state pressure is growing, new delirious “anti-terrorist” laws are passed instead of improving life of citizens, activists of Moscow Anarchist Black Cross, Autonomous Action and other anarchist and anti-fascist initiatives organized a wide international campaign to defend our comrades imprisoned in Putin’s gallows.

Israel: A picket at the Russian embassy

International campaign of solidarity for Russian anarchists and antifascists started from Israel. 1st of July 2016 in Tel Aviv anarchists from “Unity”-movement organized a solidarity action. Anarchists picketed Russian embassy in Tel Aviv in solidarity with imprisoned anarchists and anti-fascists.

“Friends, remember, one day every prison has fallen and every empire has collapsed. For those in freedom, we remind: Do not give up! Do! Keep up the fire! Take the fire from those who have lost their freedom, and carry it further, to victory of the social revolution!”

Finland: a solidarity picket for Russian political prisoners

After Tel-Aviv, Helsinki joined the solidarity campaign. A picket was organized at the center of the city Friday 1st of July. Next to the main railway station around ten anarchists banners “Freedom to Crimean prisoners” (Vapaus Krimin vangeille) and “Freedom for all political prisoners”. Few hundred leaflets which explained point of the action were spread.

Spain: A banner drop next to a squat

In Friday 1st of June 2016, next to occupied and self-governed social center “Kasika”, a big banner was hanged in order to bring attention to situation of anarchists and anti-fascists arrested in Russia.

Next to banner, leaflets with information about Russian non-authoritarian left-wing political prisoners was spread. More than thousand leaflets were distributed, passers-by were interested about the situation in Russia.

Moscow Anarchist Black Cross
http://avtonom.org/abc

October 8th & 9th 2016

For over 50 years, farmers and locals have resisted the building of a new airport for the French city of Nantes (which by the way already has one). Now in these rich fields, forests and wetlands, which multinational Vinci want to cover in concrete, an experiment in reinventing everyday life in struggle is blossoming. Radicals from around the world, local farmers and villagers, citizen groups, trade unionists and naturalists, refugees and runaways, squatters and climate justice activists and many others, are organising to protect the 4000 acres of land against the airport and its world. Government officials have coined this place “a territory lost to the republic”. Its occupants have named it: la zad (zone a défendre) zone to defend. In the winter of 2012, thousands of riot police attempted to evict the zone, but they faced a determined and diverse resistance. This culminated in a 40,000 people strong demonstration to rebuild some of what had been destroyed by the French State. Less than a week later, the police was forced to stop what they called “Operation Cesar”. For the last three years, the zad has been an extraordinary laboratory of new ways of living, rooted in collaborations between all those who make up the diversity of this movement. There is even a set of 6 points (see below) to radically rethink how to organise and work the land without an airport, based on the creation of commons, the notion of usage rather than property and the demand that those who fought for the land are those who decide its use.

Now, the entire zone is due for expulsions to start the construction of this absurd airport. Prime minister Valls has promised a “Rendez Vous” this October to evict everyone who is living, working, building and farming on the zone.

On October 8th, tens of thousands of people will gather on the zad to demonstrate that the determination of the movement is as strong as ever. Honouring farmers struggles from the past, we will come with wooden walking batons and leave them on the zone, as a sign of the commitment to come back and pick them up again if necessary. We will also raise a barn, built by dozens of carpenters during the summer, which will be used as a base, should evictions happen.

October 8th & 9th 2016

For over 50 years, farmers and locals have resisted the building of a new airport for the French city of Nantes (which by the way already has one). Now in these rich fields, forests and wetlands, which multinational Vinci want to cover in concrete, an experiment in reinventing everyday life in struggle is blossoming. Radicals from around the world, local farmers and villagers, citizen groups, trade unionists and naturalists, refugees and runaways, squatters and climate justice activists and many others, are organising to protect the 4000 acres of land against the airport and its world. Government officials have coined this place “a territory lost to the republic”. Its occupants have named it: la zad (zone a défendre) zone to defend. In the winter of 2012, thousands of riot police attempted to evict the zone, but they faced a determined and diverse resistance. This culminated in a 40,000 people strong demonstration to rebuild some of what had been destroyed by the French State. Less than a week later, the police was forced to stop what they called “Operation Cesar”. For the last three years, the zad has been an extraordinary laboratory of new ways of living, rooted in collaborations between all those who make up the diversity of this movement. There is even a set of 6 points (see below) to radically rethink how to organise and work the land without an airport, based on the creation of commons, the notion of usage rather than property and the demand that those who fought for the land are those who decide its use.

Now, the entire zone is due for expulsions to start the construction of this absurd airport. Prime minister Valls has promised a “Rendez Vous” this October to evict everyone who is living, working, building and farming on the zone.

On October 8th, tens of thousands of people will gather on the zad to demonstrate that the determination of the movement is as strong as ever. Honouring farmers struggles from the past, we will come with wooden walking batons and leave them on the zone, as a sign of the commitment to come back and pick them up again if necessary. We will also raise a barn, built by dozens of carpenters during the summer, which will be used as a base, should evictions happen.

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Two years since the kidnapping of the comrades for the Bombs Case 2 we recall the events that have occurred in this case.

At dawn on September 18, 9 police bastards of the carabineros brutally raided the residence of Nataly Casanova, a home she was sharing with Juan Flores and Guillermo Duran. Having seen police pointing rifles, Nataly fled along the roofs of neighboring homes however her flight was in vain as the police captured her in a nearby house.

The three comrades were arrested by the police, who demanded their names and addresses, since their names weren’t known, in order to raid the houses of the direct relatives of the comrades to search for and seize phones, computers, sim cards and any black clothing that could be used to incriminate them.

Nataly’s house was partially destroyed in the raid and her basic belongings were completely destroyed.

Despite the fact that the case was being investigated by the southern prosecution office, the comrades were taken to a police station in Ñuñoa, specialists in setting people up, and had their blood samples forcibly extracted from them.

The next morning the feeding frenzy was detonated by the bourgeois mass media who demonized the existence of the three comrades. The detention controls against the comrades were extended for 5 days until Tuesday, September 23rd to allow sufficient time to assemble the charges against them.

The comrades were accused of the following attacks:

– terrorist attack against police station number 39 in the commune of El Bosque. This attack occurred on August 11, 2014. This charge was later withdrawn.

– terrorist attack on a subway car at Los Dominicos metro station on July 14, 2014.

– the most significant charge is the explosion at the SubCentro shopping center at Escuela Militar metro station that occurred on September 8, 2014. (Months later 25 victims have come forward claiming a range of injuries including hearing damage, loss of a phalanx finger bone and exposed fractures. The prosecution has convinced them that they will all receive compensation at the end of the trial). In order to increase the criminal charges and years of jail for the comrade Juan Flores the prosecution sought out victims of the attack, there are also complaints from private lawyers against the comrades. The office of the prosecutor and the attorney general are betting on a strategy of shocking the public rather than showing incriminating evidence.

– possession of black gunpowder that was supposedly buried in the courtyard of the house.

On Tuesday September 23 following 4 hours of fantasies, preventative detention was ordered for Juan and Nataly. Night house arrest was ordered for Guillermo, this was later appealed by the prosecution, resulting in total house arrest.

And so they spent 7 months in the dungeons, isolated from supporters. Violent raids, destruction of diverse expressions of comradeship, surveillance and harassment of relatives and close friends then culminated with a new detention.

On April 6, 2015 a new raid ended with the arrest of Enrique Guzmán who was a close friend and active supporter of the comrades who visited them in jail and organized solidarity events etc. Just like the arrests of September 18, the prosecution extended the detention period until April 13, and then ordered preventative detention.

On April 14 the comrades Nataly, Juan and Guillermo reacted quickly and began a hunger strike to demand the immediate release of Enrique Guzmán, an end to the isolation regime Nataly was being held under and an independent investigation to determine the veracity of the DNA evidence. Several other imprisoned comrades joined this initiative. After 51 days the preventative detention order against Enrique was removed and he was released into full house arrest and Nataly was moved from isolation to a new module so the comrades ended their hunger strike.

The brief rest that Enrique had at home only lasted a little over a week until the prosecution together with the San Miguel court of appeals decided that the comrade must return to prison. This was not the first time Enrique was granted house arrest and then returned to prison.

After one of many reformalizations the prosecution decided to drop all charges against Guillermo Duran, much to the joy of the kidnapped comrades.

Nearing two years since proceedings began some bad news returned that shocked the comrades relatives and close friends. The court tried to take possession of the house that Juan, Nataly and her daughter shared, for the purpose of paying for the damages at Los Dominicos and Escuela Militar. The families are trying desperately to save the house but everything was already pre-planned, even though the investigation is still open.

At present the comrades are awaiting early commencement of the trial. The harassment is getting stronger against the comrades, with them being subjected to one punishment after another, including being beaten along with other comrades they are imprisoned with.

It was during one of these many clashes that Enrique was transferred to another module and accused by the guards of belonging to a gang that kidnapped children which resulted in him being bashed by other prisoners and having to be moved from the module. He was placed in isolation where he remained incommunicado for 4 days.

While being moved to another module this time it was Juan’s turn to be placed in the maximum security section due to the extensive imagination of the guards and the head prosecutor who used one of the comrade’s drawings as ‘proof’ that he was attempting to escape.

Juan was returned to his former module but not before being insulted and bashed by the guards while he was shackled. Despite having very few possibilities to defend himself the comrade still put up a fight.

In the maximum security section, the prosecutor shamelessly offered Enrique a shortened trial in exchange for agreeing to all of their delusions.

The cowardice demonstrated by the authorities offers a clear image of how the trial will end and the actions of the comrades is the most beautiful image that we can take from all this.

We will not rest until we see them back on the streets.

At each attempt by the authorities to defeat them we will there to fight their bastard tricks.

(via Publicacion Refractario, translated by Insurrection News)